a326  1957  07 Jul 75
$adv 16
Adv Wed AMs July 16 - NOTE DATE
Rennie Davis 490 two takes 980
With Wirephoto
By JOHN MOSSMAN
Associated Press Writer
    DENVER (AP) - It was always somewhat difficult to accept the image
of Rennie Davis as a raving revolutionary.
    After all, he was so affable, articulate and politically astute, and
his background suggested something more respectable.
    But as incongruous as that role may have seemed, Davis' current work
is plain baffling to those who knew him well during his antiwar
years.
    Rennard C. Davis was a coordinator of numerous antiwar marches
between 1967 and 1972 and one of the Chicago Seven defendants as a
result of his alleged role in the disruption of the 1968 Democratic
National Convention. Now he is a devotee of 17-year-old Guru Maharaj
Ji, whom some believe is the embodiment of God on earth.
    Davis, who in 1968 talked of ''declaring war on the system,'' now
speaks of ''consciousness raising'' and of meditation as a means of
eradicating war, ijustice, hunger and poverty.
    He admits to being constantly on a ''high,'' but says it differs
drastically from any drug-induced euphoria.
    ''There's no aftertaste and it doesn't let you down afterward,'' he
says. ''This is the most beautiful place I've ever been in my life
- it's called meditation. Through meditation we can control our
minds, and thus melt ego and pride, putting to rest the suffering of
the world.''
    Davis says that ''all across the country there's a breakthrough in
consciousness. It's the most profound event in the history of the
world.''
    He says the ''time has come to reunite the generations,'' and he
sees the year of the bicentennial as the year to begin. ''The United
States is going to be the leader in this movement,'' he says. ''This
country first had to be humbled, and that was achieved by Vietnam. Now
America is ready to lead humanity to its great turning point.''
    It's pretty heavy stuff and, to the uninitiated, it may smack of
eccentricity. But then, so did the anti-Vietnam war movement eight
years ago when fellows like Rennie Davis first challenged established
beliefs.
    Davis still remains outside the mainstream of American life. Other
radicals of the late 1960s and early 1970s have opted for the
establishment.
    Sam Brown, another antiwar leader, is the state treasurer of
Colorado. Tom Hayden, one of Davis' Chicago Seven colleagues, has
announced his candidacy for the U.S. Senate from California.
    Davis, now a mellow 35 years old, has instead become a fervent
follower of Maharaj Ji, the spiritual leader of the Divine Light
Mission, which claims six million followers worldwide.
    The guru's reputation has suffered in recent months. His mother
rebuked him for becoming a ''playboy,'' accusing the Most Perfect
Master of living a life of luxury, of eating meat and consuming
alcohol - habits that are eschewed by most Indian holy men. His mother
also disapproved of Maharaj Ji's marriage to his American secretary,
and she ultimately declared the guru's older brother as head of the
mission in India. That dispute hasn't been resolved.
    More
    
2258pED 07-07
**********

a328  2009  07 Jul 75
$adv 16
Adv Wed AMs July 16
DENVER Rennie Davis take 2 a326: resolved. 490
    Davis has an answer for critics of the guru.
    ''Maharaj Ji is a reflection of the world around us,'' he says. ''He
is spreading knowledge of self. He has a way to show us who we are.''
    Davis says that he was skeptical of Maharaj Ji when he first met the
guru in India in February 1973.
    ''Initially, I couldn't see it,'' he recalls. ''I had a
preconception of how a great saint would be. But this boy seemed too
modern in his suit and tie. But I finally realized that I should see
what he had to offer before judging him. He didn't preach. He just
showed you what was within you.''
    Now, Davis has an office at the mission's Denver headquarters, where
he directs the mission's social-service arm, the World Welfare
Association, which does such things as working in and visiting nursing
homes, rehabilitation centers and detention centers.
    He also goes on frequent speaking tours, and is in the process of
writing a book to help explain the guru's presence.
    Born in Michigan, Davis grew up in the Washington, D.C., area. His
father, a former professor, served the government as a labor economist
in the 1940s. The family soon moved to a farm in the Blue Ridge
Mountains of Virginia, and Davis at one time considered spending the
remainder of his life there. His main activity as a youth was 4-H, and
he was the Eastern United States' chicken judging champion.
    But he says his high school senior trip to New York City, including
Harlem, opened his eyes. His budding interest in racial injustice
continued at Oberlin College, and he eventually went to work with
Martin Luther King in organizing open-housing marches.
    ''Vietnam wasn't a cause for me then,'' Davis says of a trip to
Hanoi in the fall of 1967 as part of a fact-finding group. ''The
military claimed it was hitting only military targets - steel and
concrete. But we saw thatched huts that had been bombed, as well as
downtown sections of Hanoi.
    ''When I returned, I felt unequivocally that this war was wrong in
every way, and I saw my task as that of bringing an end to the war.''
    While at the May 1970 demonstration at the White House that
attracted 150,000 persons, Davis said he saw ''we were a very powerful
force in the United States.'' But he said he also saw that something
was missing. ''There was no real consciousness of where it was going,
no sense of the long term. We hadn't discovered the basis of our
unity.''
    It was on a plane to Paris in early 1973, en route to meet with
North Vietnamese officials, that Davis said he learned of this Indian
youth who had discovered a way to control the mind. Over a period of
months with Maharaj Ji in India, Davis became a convert.
    Davis explains Maharaj Ji's attraction this way:
    The Western world has been trained that the mind is to be master of
the person, but that is an incorrect understanding. The proper master
of both body and mind is the energy field known as consciousness or
soul that is currently embodied in Guru Maharaj Ji.
    ''Love is consciousness - you need to tune into consciousness
directly,'' Davis says.
    End Adv Wed AMs July 16, sent July 7
    
2310pED 07-07
**********

n017  0920  12 Jul 75
WICKER (Column)
Editors: Please identify the following as commentary.
 
In the Nation: This Is a Liberal?
By TOM WICKER
c.1975 N. Y. Times News Service
 
    NEW YORK - The lingering power of an image was never
better demonstrated than in the decision of the President
Ford Committee to make no effort toward the nomination
of Nelson Rockefeller for vice president next year.
    Howard Callaway, the campaign chairman, said he had
no intention of alienating ''persons who don't want 
Rockefeller'' - obviously meaning conservatives who
have been demanding an ''open convention'' for the choice
of a vice presidential nominee.
    Leaving Rockefeller to fend for himself is no doubt
sound strategy and good politics, even though it seems
somewhat incongruous after President Ford nominated him
last year to be vice president. But the wonder is that
the Republican conservatives - still a powerful party
element - continue to think of Nelson Rockefeller, after
all thse years, as a liberal.
    The reason can only be the powerful memories remaining
from Rockefeller's epic battle with Barry Goldwater for
the 1964 Republican presidential nomination. One o the
bitterest of modern campaigns, it ended with the 
unforgettable spectacle of Rockefeller being booed and
howled down by a convention thoroughly dominated by Goldwater
conservatives.
    The truth is, however, that Rockefeller even then was
not the mushy liberal on foreign affairs that the
conservatives thought him; and since then he has moved
steadily to the right on domestic issues, too.
    The conservatives may want one certifiably of their
own - Ronald Reagan or James Buckley - on the
ticket, but they have little more reason to oppose 
Rockefeller on political grounds than they do Ford 
himself.
    Once a strong advocate, for example, of civil rights
bills that apply mostly to the South, Rockefeller has
not been heard from lately on this issue - except to
observe that nobody had asked so many blacks to move
into American cities.
    In his last years as governor of New York, he made 
numerous efforts - as he put it in 1973 - ''to get the
cheats and chiselers off the taxpayers' backs,'' 
including two separate bills to preventhwelfare payments
to persons living in New York for less than a year. The
Supreme Court struck down both.
    Rockefeller's last major proposal as governor was one
of the most severe crime and drug-abuse programs ever
approved in this country. It imposed long mandatory 
sentences for drug offenses, sharply limited the 
possibilities of parole and plea bargaining, and 
established mandatory prison sentences for all second
offenders. A person convicted of possessing or selling
less than an eighth of an ounce of a drug had to be 
sentenced to a minimum of a year in prison, with mandatory
life time parole - a singularly harsh provision that
the New York State Legislature has jus softened
substantially. Originally, Rockefeller had proposed life
sentences even for first-time selling of small amounts
of hashish.
    The governor further made clear his stance on law and
order when he announced in 1973 that if the legilature
voted to restore the death penalty in New York, he would
sign the bill. By then, he had already permitted state
police to quell the inmate uprising at Attica through
a six-minute hail of indiscriminate gunfire that killed
29 prisoners and 10 of the hostages they were holding.
    On the deepest and most devisive political issues of
the last decade - Vietnam and Watergate - conservatives
can hardly faul Rockefeller. He always supported
the war and called for the bombing of North Vietnam a
year before President Johnson began it. He never publicly
criticized Richard Nixon or spoke out on Watergate, 
except to insist that it was ''a tragedy of individuals''
rahter thn of the Republican party, and he was one of
the fist to applaud Ford's pardon of Nixon, calling it
an act of ''conscience, compassion and courage.''
    In 1972, Rockefeller earned the ultimate
acknowledgement of these efforts. Sen. J. Strom Thurmond
of South Caolina,guru of gurus on the right wing, after
watching th governor place Nixon's name in nomination
for the presidency (''I say t you . . . my fellow 
Americans, we need this man''), observed that while
Rockefeller might still be a little ''to liberal for
the South . . . the general feeling is that he has moved
towardthe conservtive side.''
    In fact, Nelson Rockefeller had always been on 
that side on national security issues. It is generally
forgotten that his ''Pact of FifthAvenue'' with Richard
Nixo in 1960 foced Nixon to promise (italics) more 
(unials), not less, defense spending. Long before 1964,
Rockefeller opposed the nuclear test ban treaty, approved
the use of foce against Cuba and ''as an integral part
of international diplomacy,'' denounced peaceful coexistence
with the Soviet Union, nd proclaimed his belief that
nuclear war would ''not mean annihilation or the end
of the civilization we have known.''
 
h-jn 7-12
**********

n033  1155  12 Jul 75
 
- Repeating Wicker Column A017
WICKER (Column)
Editors: Please identify the following as commentary.
 
In the Nation: This Is a Liberal?
By TOM WICKER
c.1975 N. Y. Times News Service
 
    NEW YORK - The lingering power of an image was never
better demonstrated than in the decision of the President
Ford Committee to make no effort toward the nomination
of Nelson Rockefeller for vice president next year.
    Howard Callaway, the campaign chairman, said he had
no intention of alienating ''persons who don't want 
Rockefeller'' - obviously meaning conservatives who
have been demanding an ''open convention'' for the choice
of a vice presidential nominee.
    Leaving Rockefeller to fend for himself is no doubt
sound strategy and good politics, even though it seems
somewhat incongruous after President Ford nominated him
last year to be vice president. But the wonder is that
the Republican conservatives - still a powerful party
element - continue to think of Nelson Rockefeller, after
all thse years, as a liberal.
    The reason can only be the powerful memories remaining
from Rockefeller's epic battle with Barry Goldwater for
the 1964 Republican presidential nomination. One of the
bitterest of modern $nforgettable spectacle of Rockefeller being booed and
howled down by a convention thoroughly dominated by Goldwater
conservatives.
    The truth is, however, that Rockefeller even then was
not the mushy liberal on foreign affairs that the
conservatives thought him; and since then he has moved
steadily to the right on domestic issues, too.
    The conservatives may want one certifiably of their
own - Ronald Reagan or James Buckley - on the
ticket, but they have little more reason to oppose 
Rockefeller on political grounds than they do Ford 
himself.
    Once a strong advocate, for example, of civil rights
bills that apply mostly to the South, Rockefeller has
not been heard from lately on this issue - except to
observe that nobody had asked so many blacks to move
into American cities.
    In his last years as governor of New York, he made 
numerous efforts - as he put it in 1973 - ''to get the
cheats and chiselers off the taxpayers' backs,'' 
including two separate bills to prevent welfare payments
to persons living in New York for less than a year. The
Supreme Court struck down both.
    Rockefeller's last major proposal as governor was one
of the most severe crime and drug-abuse programs ever
approved in this country. It imposed long mandatory 
sentences for drug offenses, sharply limited the 
possibilities of parole and plea bargaining, and 
established mandatory prison sentences for all second
offenders. A person convicted of possessing or selling
less than an eighth of an ounce of a drug had to be 
sentenced to a minimum of a year in prison, with mandatory
life time parole - a singularly harsh provision that
the New York State Legislature has just softened
substantially. Originally, Rockefeller  had proposed life
sentences even for first-time selling of small amounts
of hashish.
    The governor further made clear his stance on law and
order when he announced in 1973 that if the legislature
voted to restore the death penalty in New York, he would
sign the bill. By then, he had already permitted state
police to quell the inmate uprising at Attica through
a six-minute hail of indiscriminate gunfire that killed
29 prisoners and 10 of the hostages they were holding.
    On the deepest and most devisive political issues of
the last decade - Vietnam and Watergate - conservatives
can hardly fault Rockefeller. He always supported
the war and called for the bombing of North Vietnam a
year before President Johnson began it. He never publicly
criticized Richard Nixon or spoke out on Watergate,
except to insist that it was ''a tragedy of individuals''
rather than of the Republican party, and he was one of
the first to applaud Ford's pardon of Nixon, calling it
an act of ''conscience, compassion and courage.''
    In 1972, Rockefeller earned the ultimate
acknowledgement of these efforts. Sen. J. Strom Thurmond
of South Carolina, guru of gurus on the right wing, after
watching the governor place Nixon's name in nomination
for the presidency (''I say to you . . . my fellow
Americans, we need this man''), observed that while
Rockefeller might still be a little ''too liberal for
the South  . . . the general feeling is that he has moved
toward the conservative side.''
    In fact, Nelson Rockefeller had always been on
that side on national security issues. It is generally
forgotten that his ''Pact of Fifth Avenue'' with Richard
Nixon in 1960 forced Nixon to promise (italics) more
(unitals), not less, defense spending. Long before 1964,
Rockefeller opposed the nuclear test ban treaty, approved
the use of force against Cuba and ''as an integral part
of international diplomacy,'' denounced peaceful coexistence
with the Soviet Union, and proclaimed his belief that
nuclear war would ''not mean annihilation or the end
of the civilization we have known.
 
h-jn 7-12
**********

a203  0927  15 Jul 75
AP
    These advances moved for Wednesday AMs:
 
    BEIRUT, Lebanon - Street urchins are now hawking spent bullets and
old cartridges to tourists as well as their usual wilted roses and
carnationsd
    DENVER - It was always somewhat difficult to accept the image of
Rennie Davis as a revolutionary. Now he is a devotee of 17-year-old
Guru Maharaj Ji. a326-328 July 7.
 
    LAREDO, Tex. - Two years ago this south Texas border town seemed on
the brink of 'he closing of the local Air Force
base. Today, Laredo is undergoing what may be a financial rebirth.
a320-322 July 4.
 
    UNDATED - Editorial roundup. a297-298 July 14.
    
1221pED 07-15
**********

n003  0708  20 Jul 75
POLITICAL NOTEBOOK (Star)
By JACK W. GERMOND
c.1975 Washington Star
    WASHINGTON - One of the puzzles among Democratic professionals
is where black voters are likely to go in the competition for
the party's presidential nomination next summer. The
uncertainty has been compounded by the decision of Julian Bond
of Georgia to abandon, chiefly because of lack of money the
campaign he had planned to conduct as a device for making
the 15 to 20 per cent of the Democratic delegates into a
black cohesive force at the convention.
    Bond, whom opinion polls rate as the most nationally
influential figure in black politics, is keeping silent at
the moment about his own choice for the nomination. Other
black leaders from the south, such as Rep. Andrew Young, D-AGa., and
Mayor Maynard Jackson of Atlanta, are supporting Jimmy Carter
of Georgia, whom they consider the best hope they have of
defeating George Wallace in the Florida primary May 9.
    Other candidates who might be expected to get substantial
backing in the black community include two who are still
undeclared, Sargent Shriver and Birch Bayh, D-Ind. Shriver
has the highest recognition factor among blacks and profits
with his relationship with Sen. Edward M. Kennedy, D-Mass.,
the odds-on favorite of black voters in all sections of
the country. But, as one black professional put it, Shriver's
position might depend on whether Kennedy were willing to
state a preference for him. If there were no endorsement - and
none is expected - ''it would raise a hell of a lot of
questions among black folks,'' this professional said.
 
    One article of faith among supporters of George Wallace has
been that he can thrash any of his southern challengers
in their home state primaries next spring, just as he did Terry
Sanford in North Carolina in 1972. But a new opinion survey
by Darden Research Corp. suggests that is far from certain
in Georgia. It shows Wallace leading Jimmy Carter by only 47
per cent to 42 per cent at this point.
    This is only one of several indications that Carter may be
considered at least as a serious longshot in the
Democratic competition. Another is the fact that reports
disclosed last week, show that Carter has raised as much money
so far - slightly more in fact - as the nominal leader among
the liberal Democrars, Rep. Morris K. Udall,
D-Ariz. Still another is the fact that managers of both
Udall and Sen. Henry Jackson, D-Wash. are trying to set up
Carter as the candidate who ''should win'' the New Hampshire
primary, an obvious tactic designed to take the edge off in
advance if Carder does win there.
    
In Illinois there is a campaign developing that has offered
unparalleled opportunities to purveyors of bad puns. Richard
Cooper, the head of Weight Watchers, Inc., is seeking the
Republican nomination for governor next year to oppose the
incumbent Democrat Daniel Walker. Already the air and political
journalism in Illinois are full of reports that former U.S.
Atty. James Thompson is ''heavily favored''
although Cooper is promising ''to trim the fat'' out of state
government.
    That is the way the race shapes up right now. Sorry about that.
 
    Gov. Milton J. Shapp of Pennsylvania was in town again last
week to announce - as he has done so often in the past
- that he intends to announce he is a candidate for president
when the time is ripe. By one official estimate, this is the
53rd time this year Sha;; has announced he will announce.
    This time, however, the Pennsylvania Democrat had some hard
news to offer, as well. His chief assistant, Norval D. Reece,
is leaving his staff to open a Shapp for President Headquarters
in Harrisburg. Reece is a veteran Pennsylvania proffesional
who once ran unsuccessfuly for a Senate nomination there.
 
    If there were any doubt about the problems Ronald Reagan faces
in challenging President Ford for the Republican nomination
next year, they should be dissipated by a look at the makeup
of the Ford committee in Reagan's home state of California.
    Among those signed, sealed and delivered to Ford for 1976
are such leading gurus of Republican conservatism in California
as Henry Salvatori, a leading fund-raiser and contributor
going back to the Goldwater campaign in 1964, and Taft Schreiber,
who has played similar roles in state and national campaigns
for several elections.
 
j-bc 7-20
**********